Manufacturing Consent and the Responsibility of Intellectuals: Propaganda, Critical Media Literacy, and the Making of the "Truly Educated" Person
Abstract
This paper examines the relationship between the Herman–Chomsky propaganda model, critical media literacy, and the Chomskyan concept of the responsibility of intellectuals, arguing that these three frameworks together provide a Cultural Studies account of what it means to be "truly educated" in a media-saturated democracy. Drawing on Goodwin and on Mullen and Klaehn for the propaganda model, on Kellner and Share, Westbrook, Clark, and Cannon, Connolly and Parry for critical media literacy, and on the Allott, Knight and Smith volume for the responsibility of intellectuals, the paper argues that the mass media function as a parallel pedagogical apparatus that manufactures consent for elite interests. Critical media literacy—when grounded in ideology critique and the ethical commitment to speak truth to power—offers the conditions for a "truly educated" person capable of resisting that consent. However, the paper also acknowledges the limits of pedagogy alone, arguing that structural critique and civic action are necessary complements to critical media literacy.
Research Question
How does the Herman–Chomsky propaganda model expose the ways in which corporate and state power shape public consciousness through mass media, and to what extent can critical media literacy—as a pedagogy grounded in cultural studies and critical pedagogy—provide the conditions for a "truly educated" person capable of accepting the responsibility of intellectuals?
Hypothesis
It is hypothesized that the propaganda model reveals that "education" in a media-saturated democracy cannot be confined to schooling; the mass media function as a parallel pedagogical apparatus that manufactures consent for elite interests. Critical media literacy, by combining ideology critique with creative production and rights-based pedagogy, offers a counter-pedagogy that can produce a "truly educated" person—not one who has accumulated more information, but one who can decode power, question standard doctrine, and accept the responsibility of intellectuals. However, the limits of critical media literacy, as documented in Clark's case study and in Goodwin's critique of the propaganda model, show that pedagogy alone cannot dismantle structural filters; it must be linked to civic action, structural critique, and the ethical commitment to speak truth to power that the responsibility of intellectuals demands.
Introduction: The Problem of Education in a Media-Saturated Society
In a media-saturated democracy, the question of what it means to be educated cannot be answered by looking at schools alone. The mass media are themselves a pedagogical apparatus: they teach values, shape beliefs, and structure what the public is allowed to think about. Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky's propaganda model, first elaborated in Manufacturing Consent (1988), offers a systematic account of how this pedagogical function operates. Their argument, summarised by Jeffery Klaehn and Andrew Mullen, is that "the structural contexts in which news discourses are produced are such that media themselves are predisposed to serve propaganda functions within capitalist, liberal-democratic societies" (Mullen and Klaehn 218). If this is true—and the evidence marshalled by Goodwin and by Mullen and Klaehn suggests it is—then the question of education must be reframed. Being "truly educated" cannot mean merely having absorbed more information; it must mean having developed the capacity to recognise and resist the propaganda that saturates everyday life.
This paper argues that three frameworks, taken together, provide a Cultural Studies account of what it means to be "truly educated" in such a society. First, the propaganda model diagnoses the problem: it shows how corporate ownership, advertising, sourcing, flak, and ideology function as filters that determine what the public learns. Second, critical media literacy, as theorised by Douglas Kellner and Jeff Share, Nalova Westbrook, Lynn Schofield Clark, and Michelle Cannon, Steve Connolly and Rebecca Parry, supplies the pedagogical response: it combines ideology critique with creative production and rights-based pedagogy to produce students who can decode power. Third, the Chomskyan tradition of the "responsibility of intellectuals," as elaborated in the fiftieth-anniversary volume edited by Nicholas Allott, Chris Knight and Neil Smith, supplies the normative model: the "truly educated" person is not merely a critical consumer of media but someone who accepts the ethical obligation to speak truth to power.
The argument proceeds in three movements. The first section examines the propaganda model as a theory of media pedagogy, drawing on Goodwin's summary and critique and on Mullen and Klaehn's defence. The second section turns to critical media literacy as counter-pedagogy, drawing on Kellner and Share, Westbrook, Clark, and Cannon, Connolly and Parry. The third section examines the "truly educated" person and the responsibility of intellectuals, drawing on the Allott, Knight and Smith volume.
The Propaganda Model as a Theory of Media Pedagogy
The propaganda model is, at its core, a theory of how the media teach. It identifies five "filters"—ownership, advertising, sourcing, flak, and ideology—that determine what becomes news and, therefore, what the public learns about the world (Goodwin 103-107). Goodwin's summary makes the pedagogical stakes clear: the filters "filter out the news fit to print, marginalize dissent, and allow the government and dominant private interests to get their messages across to the public" (Goodwin 104). The media do not simply report reality; they construct it, and in constructing it they teach a particular version of the world.
The first filter—the concentrated ownership and profit orientation of the major media—ensures that "those who manage the mass media on a daily basis are hired and fired by wealthy individuals, families, or corporate boards that have an enormous vested interest in the 'free enterprise' economy" (Goodwin 105). The second filter—advertising—means that the media's real market is advertisers, not audiences: "The major media ... are corporations 'selling' privileged audiences to other businesses" (qtd. in Goodwin 105). The third filter—sourcing—means that news is biased because it comes from self-interested sources: "the large bureaucracies of the powerful subsidize the mass media, and gain special access by their contribution to reducing the media's costs of acquiring the raw materials of, and producing, news" (qtd. in Goodwin 106). The fourth filter—flak—means that negative responses from powerful groups discipline the media into conformity. The fifth filter—anticommunism, or more broadly ideology—means that "any government or political movement that seriously threatens the status quo" will be marginalized (Goodwin 107).
Goodwin's critique of the model is important for Cultural Studies because it identifies a theoretical weakness. The "filter" metaphor, he argues, "is much too passive to convey adequately the manner in which journalists and editors actively produce the news" (Goodwin 109). Journalists do not simply filter out discordant information; they "actively construct specific ensembles of facts (or pseudo-facts) and opinions as 'newsworthy'" (Goodwin 109). This is a distinctively Cultural Studies point: the media are not conduits but producers of meaning. Goodwin's critique does not invalidate the propaganda model; it refines it. As Mullen and Klaehn argue, the model remains an invaluable tool for understanding the media within contemporary capitalist societies, especially when supplemented by attention to journalistic practice.
The pedagogical implication is clear. If the media actively construct reality, then the public's "education" is always already a constructed education. What most people know about the world beyond their immediate experience comes from the media, and what the media teach is shaped by the five filters. To be "truly educated" in such a society is not to have absorbed more media content but to understand how that content is produced—and to be able to resist its framing.
Critical Media Literacy as Counter-Pedagogy
If the propaganda model diagnoses the problem, critical media literacy supplies the response. Douglas Kellner and Jeff Share define critical media literacy as an approach that "expands the notion of literacy to include different forms of mass communication and popular culture, as well as deepens the potential of literacy education to critically analyze relationships between media and audiences, information and power" (Kellner and Share 62). Crucially, they distinguish critical media literacy from apolitical media literacy: "without critical pedagogy, media literacy risks becoming another cookbook of conventional ideas that only improve the social reproductive function of education" (Kellner and Share 64). The difference is ideology critique. Critical media literacy does not simply teach students to "read" media texts; it teaches them to ask who owns the media, who benefits from particular representations, and whose voices are excluded.
Kellner and Share's framework combines cultural studies with critical pedagogy. From cultural studies, it takes the insight that media texts are sites of ideological struggle, where dominant meanings are contested by oppositional readings. From critical pedagogy, it takes the Freirean commitment to problem-posing education: students must be treated as co-inquirers, not passive recipients, and the goal must be transformation, not adaptation (Kellner and Share 65). Critical media literacy, in their account, is not a set of skills but a political project: it aims to produce "socially active citizens" who can transform society into a less oppressive and more egalitarian democracy.
Nalova Westbrook's contribution is to distinguish between two forms of media literacy pedagogy. Critical media literacy, with roots in the Frankfurt School and cultural studies, foregrounds ideology and power. New or twenty-first-century literacies, with roots in sociolinguistics and ethnography, foreground the ways in which digital media transform literacy practices. Westbrook argues that both are necessary, but she insists that critical media literacy is more appropriate for the Cultural Studies classroom because it challenges canonical texts as well as privileged readings of all texts. Her distinction is useful because it prevents the slide into a purely technical media education that teaches students to use tools without teaching them to question power.
Cannon, Connolly and Parry add a rights-based dimension. They argue that media literacy is not merely a pedagogical preference but a right. Drawing on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, they show that media education enables children to exercise Article 8 (the right to preserve identity), Article 12 (the right to be heard), Article 13 (freedom of expression), and Articles 17 and 30 (the right to access diverse cultural texts). The removal of media education from the English national curriculum in 2014 is, on their account, a violation of children's rights: "The absence of media education in the curriculum for England has limited these possibilities, preventing schools from meaningfully addressing the UNCRC" (Cannon, Connolly and Parry 323). This elevates the argument beyond pedagogy: media literacy is a condition of democratic citizenship.
Clark's case study supplies a necessary caution. She documents a project in which university journalism students produced video essays and showed them to high school students from diverse backgrounds. The project had genuine successes: one student, after showing a video that positioned Africans as recipients of Western aid, "came to recognise that, in the encounter with diverse high school students, she was able to learn something about herself and about how her own assumptions were inadvertently communicated through her media creation" (Clark 894). But Clark also documents failures. Some students remained trapped in a "charity" model, treating the high school students as "vulnerable" rather than as co-learners: "I think it is really important for everyone to know these statistics; therefore, being able to share it with the vulnerable high school students really put purpose and importance to the video" (qtd. in Clark 896). Clark's conclusion is sobering: "critical service-learning interventions do not guarantee that students will experience engagement or self-reflection as a result of their participation" (Clark 897). Critical media literacy can produce the "truly educated" person, but it does not do so automatically.
The "Truly Educated" Person and the Responsibility of Intellectuals
What kind of person does critical media literacy aim to produce? The answer, in the Chomskyan tradition, is the person who accepts the responsibility of intellectuals. In his 1967 essay, Chomsky wrote: "It is the responsibility of intellectuals to speak the truth and to expose lies" (qtd. in Allott 1). This is, as Allott notes, "or should be, truistic" (Allott 1). But it is not a simple truism, because intellectuals have privileges that impose obligations. As Allott explains, "those of us living in relatively free societies have considerable advantages. We can express our opinions in public without the fear of being put in prison or tortured for doing so. It follows that we have the responsibility to speak out about injustice" (Allott 1-2).
This responsibility is not merely individual; it is structural. Smith and Smith identify three responsibilities that Chomsky sets out in his essay: "to speak the truth and expose lies; to provide historical context; and to lift the veil of ideology, the underlying framework of ideas that limits the boundaries of debate" (Smith and Smith 7). The third responsibility is the most demanding. It is not enough to correct individual falsehoods; one must expose the framework within which falsehoods become plausible. This is precisely what the propaganda model does: it shows how the filters of ownership, advertising, sourcing, flak, and ideology structure what counts as news and what counts as common sense.
The volume's contributors complicate Chomsky's argument in productive ways. Jackie Walker argues that the category of "the intellectual" has been constructed to exclude those "divorced from the structures of power, carrying the stigma of historical oppression" (Walker 29). She asks: "What is the responsibility of any intellectual if it is not wedded to the interests of the people?" (Walker 30). Her answer is that the truly educated person is not the one who has accumulated credentials but the one who stands with the oppressed: "To take on the responsibility of the intellectual is to be part of a movement for change, discarding the trappings that separate thought from action, body from mind" (Walker 30).
Craig Murray argues that the responsibility of intellectuals has been "well and truly abdicated" (Murray 74). He documents the ways in which the British media repeated government claims about drone strikes without scrutiny, and he concludes that "more than ever is truth telling at odds with career prospects, and most 'intellectuals' care a great deal more about their careers than about the truth" (Murray 74). His essay is a reminder that the responsibility of intellectuals is not automatically fulfilled; it must be actively chosen, often at great cost.
Chris Knight's essay documents the institutional entanglements that make the responsibility of intellectuals difficult to fulfil. He shows that Chomsky's own institution, MIT, was deeply involved in military research, and that Chomsky himself had to navigate this complicity. Knight's essay is not an attack on Chomsky; it is a demonstration of the structural obstacles that even the most committed intellectual faces. The "truly educated" person, on this account, is not someone who has escaped complicity but someone who acknowledges it and works against it.
Chomsky's own contribution to the volume is characteristically modest. He does not claim to be a model of the truly educated person; he claims only to have tried to fulfil the responsibilities that his privileges imposed. In the Q&A, he says: "If you've gone to the best schools ... you just have instilled into you the understanding that there are certain things that [it] wouldn't do to say [a]nd, it wouldn't even do to think" (qtd. in Allott 38-39). The truly educated person is the one who has unlearned this lesson—who can think the unthinkable and say the unsayable.
The synthesis, then, is this: the "truly educated" person is not the one who has accumulated the most information, nor the one who has mastered the most sophisticated techniques of media analysis. The "truly educated" person is the one who has developed what Chomsky calls the capacity to "inquire and create constructively, independently, without external controls"—and who accepts the responsibility that this capacity imposes. Critical media literacy is the pedagogy that cultivates this capacity; the responsibility of intellectuals is the ethic that gives it direction.
Conclusion: From Manufactured Consent to Critical Consciousness
This paper has argued that the question of what it means to be "truly educated" in a media-saturated democracy cannot be answered without understanding the pedagogical function of the mass media. The propaganda model shows that the media are not neutral conduits of information but structured apparatuses that manufacture consent for elite interests. The five filters—ownership, advertising, sourcing, flak, and ideology—determine what the public is allowed to learn and what it is allowed to think. Critical media literacy offers a counter-pedagogy: it teaches students to decode power, to question standard doctrine, and to produce alternative representations. The responsibility of intellectuals supplies the normative model: the "truly educated" person is not merely a critical consumer but an ethical agent who speaks truth to power.
Yet the paper has also acknowledged the limits of this argument. Goodwin's critique of the propaganda model reminds us that the filter metaphor is too passive; the media actively construct reality, and critical media literacy must teach students to understand that construction. Clark's case study reminds us that critical service learning can fail; students can remain trapped in a "charity" model that reproduces the very hierarchies they are meant to challenge. Murray's essay reminds us that the responsibility of intellectuals is often abdicated; the pressures of career and conformity are powerful. And Knight's essay reminds us that complicity is structural; no intellectual, not even Chomsky, can entirely escape it.
The "truly educated" person, then, is not a finished product but an ongoing project. To be truly educated is to recognise that one's education is never complete—that the work of decoding power, questioning doctrine, and speaking truth is a lifelong labour. It is to accept, with Chomsky, that "it is the responsibility of intellectuals to speak the truth and to expose lies," and to recognise that this responsibility is not discharged by occasional gestures but by a sustained commitment to critical inquiry and political action.
In the end, the question of the "truly educated" person is a question about the distribution of mental power. In a society where the means of mental production are concentrated in the hands of a few, the fight over education is a fight over consciousness itself. Cultural Studies, as a discipline, has always insisted that culture is a site of struggle. The struggle over what it means to be educated—over who gets to define the "truly educated" person and what capacities that person should have—is one of the most important struggles of our time. The propaganda model, critical media literacy, and the responsibility of intellectuals are three weapons in that struggle. They are not sufficient on their own, but they are necessary.
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